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Birth:          ABT 1284 Gascony
Death:          19 Jun 1312 Blacklow Hill, Warwickshire, England
Cause of Death: murdered

Notes
209.190.235.73/genes/db/chart.cfm?id=483
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Piers_Gaveston,_1st_Earl_of_Cornwall
Piers Gaveston, 1st Earl of Cornwall (c. 1284 – 19 June 1312) was an English 
nobleman of Gascon origin, and the favourite of King Edward II of England.

At a young age he made a good impression on King Edward I "Longshanks", and was 
assigned to the household of the King's son, Edward of Caernarfon. The prince's 
partiality for Gaveston was so extravagant that Edward I sent the favourite into exile, 
but he was recalled a few months later, after the King's death led to the prince's 
accession as Edward II. Edward bestowed the Earldom of Cornwall on Gaveston, and 
arranged for him to marry his niece Margaret de Clare, sister of the powerful Earl of 
Gloucester.

Gaveston's exclusive access to the King provoked several members of the nobility, 
and in 1307 the King was again forced to send him into exile. During this absence he 
served as the King's Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Edward managed to negotiate a deal 
with the opposition, however, and Gaveston returned the next year. Upon his return 
his behaviour became even more offensive, and by the Ordinances of 1311 it was 
decided that Gaveston should be exiled for a third time, to suffer outlawry if he 
returned. When he did return in 1312, he was hunted down and executed by a group 
of magnates led by Thomas of Lancaster and Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick.

It was alleged by medieval chroniclers that Edward II and Piers Gaveston were lovers, 
a rumour that was reinforced by later portrayals in fiction, such as Christopher 
Marlowe's late 16th-century play Edward II. This assertion has received the support of 
some modern historians, while others have questioned it. According to Pierre Chaplais, 
the relationship between the two was that of an adoptive brotherhood, and Gaveston 
served as an unofficial deputy for a reluctant king. Other historians, like J. S. 
Hamilton, have pointed out that concern over the two men's sexuality was not at the 
core of the nobility's grievances, which rather centred on Gaveston's exclusive 
access to royal patronage.
Family background and early life[edit]

Piers Gaveston's father was Arnaud de Gabaston, a Gascon knight in the service of 
Gaston VII of Bιarn.[1] Gabaston had come into a substantial amount of land in 
Gascony through his marriage to Claramonde de Marsan, who was co-heir with her 
brother of the great landowner Arnaud-Guillaume de Marsan.[2] Through the 
possessions of his wife, Gabaston also became a vassal of the King of England, in the 
King's capacity of Duke of Aquitaine.[3] His service to Edward I of England stretched 
over a long period of time, starting in the Welsh Wars of 1282–83, in which he 
participated with a substantial contingent.[3] Sometime before 4 February 1287, 
Claramonde died, and for the rest of his life Gabaston struggled to retain his wife's 
inheritance from rival claims by relatives and neighbours. Because of this, he became 
financially dependent on the English king, and was continuously in his service.[4] He 
was used as a hostage by Edward twice: first in 1288 to Aragon, secondly in 1294 to 
the French king, when he managed to escape and flee to England in 1297.[5] After 
returning home, he was back in England in 1300, where he served with Edward I in 
the Scottish Wars. He died at some point before 18 May 1302.[4]

Little is known of Piers Gaveston's early years; even his year of birth is unknown. He 
and Prince Edward of Caernarfon (born 25 April 1284) were said to be contemporaries 
(coetanei), so it can be assumed that he was born in or around 1284.[6] Though one 
chronicle claims he accompanied his father to England in 1297, the first reliable 
reference to him is from Gascony later that year, when he served in the company of 
Edward I.[7] In 1300 he sailed to England with his father and his older brother, 
Arnaud-Guillaume de Marsan. It was at this time that he became a member of the 
household of the young Prince Edward – the future Edward II.[8] The King was 
apparently impressed by Gaveston's conduct and martial skills, and wanted him to 
serve as a model for his son. In 1304, the King awarded Gaveston the wardship of 
Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, after the death of Roger's father, on the request of 
Edward, Prince of Wales.[9] This put Gaveston in charge of Mortimer's possessions 
during the latter's minority, and served as proof of the King's confidence in his son's 
companion.[10]

As part of the circle around the prince, however, Gaveston also became entangled in 
conflicts between the King and his son. These difficulties first materialised in a dispute 
between treasurer Walter Langton and Prince Edward. The case enraged King Edward 
to the point where he banned his son from court, and banished several men from the 
prince's household. Though the two were reconciled at a later point, the King still 
prevented Gaveston from rejoining the prince. This matter was settled before 26 May 
1306, however, the date when Gaveston was knighted, four days after the prince.[11] 
Later that year Gaveston was once more in trouble, when he and twenty-one other 
knights deserted a Scottish campaign to attend a tournament. An arrest order was 
sent out for the deserters, but, at the insistence of Queen Margaret, they were all 
pardoned in January 1307.[12]

First exile and return[edit]

Gaveston's return to grace was only temporary. On 26 February 1307, Edward I 
announced that the prince's favourite had to leave the realm shortly after 30 April that 
year. This time it seems the punishment was not intended for Gaveston, though, but 
for the Prince of Wales.[13] According to Walter of Guisborough, the prince appeared 
before the King to request that his own county of Ponthieu be given to Gaveston. 
Edward I, enraged, tore out handfuls of his son's hair and threw him out of the royal 
chambers.[14] Though Guisborough cannot necessarily be trusted on the details of the 
events, the story reflects the general exasperation the King felt with the prince's 
favouritism towards Gaveston, and the lavish gifts bestowed on the favourite.[15][16] 
This extravagance was clearly seen on Gaveston's departure, when Prince Edward 
equipped him with horses, luxurious clothes, and £260 of money.[17]

Gaveston's first exile was to be a short one. In early July 1307, Edward I fell ill while 
once more campaigning in the north, and lay dying at Burgh by Sands near the 
Scottish border. According to one chronicle, he gathered some of his most trusted men 
around him, including Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln; Guy de Beauchamp, Earl of 
Warwick; and Aymer de Valence, soon to be Earl of Pembroke. Edward entrusted the 
magnates with the care of his son, and instructed them particularly to prevent the 
return of Piers Gaveston from exile.[18] Nevertheless, when the King died on 7 July, 
one of Edward II's first acts as king was to recall his friend. Gaveston returned almost 
immediately, and the two were reunited by early August.[19]

Earl of Cornwall[edit]
On 6 August 1307, less than a month after succeeding, Edward II made Piers 
Gaveston Earl of Cornwall.[20] According to contemporary narrative sources, this was 
a controversial decision. Gaveston came from relatively humble origins, and his rise to 
the highest level of the peerage was considered improper by the established nobility. 
Furthermore, the earldom of Cornwall had traditionally been reserved for members of 
the royal family, and Edward I had intended it for one of his two younger sons from his 
second marriage.[21] The discontent reported by the chronicles may have been the 
result of hindsight, however; there is no sign that the established nobility objected to 
the ennoblement of Gaveston at the time.[22] The earldom gave Gaveston substantial 
landholdings over great parts of England, to the value of £4,000 a year.[23] These 
possessions consisted of most of Cornwall, as well as parts of Devonshire in the 
south-west, land in Berkshire and Oxfordshire centred on the honour of Wallingford, 
most of the eastern part of Lincolnshire, and the honour of Knaresborough in 
Yorkshire, with the territories that belonged to it.[24] In addition to this, Edward also 
secured a prestigious marriage between Gaveston and Margaret de Clare, sister of the 
powerful Earl of Gloucester.[25] The possessions and family connection secured 
Gaveston a place among the highest levels of the English nobility.[24]

Even though the new king was initially met with goodwill from his subjects, it was not 
long before certain members of the nobility became disaffected with Gaveston and the 
special relationship he enjoyed with Edward. On 2 December 1307, exactly one month 
after Gaveston's marriage, the King organised a tournament in Gaveston's honour at 
Wallingford Castle.[26] Here Gaveston and his companions in arms handed a 
humiliating defeat to the earls of Warenne, Hereford, and Arundel.[27] Gaveston won, 
according to various accounts of the events, either by bringing too many knights to 
the field, or simply by having a better contingent. From this point on Warenne – and 
possibly also the other two earls – became hostile to Gaveston.[28]

When Edward II left the country early in 1308 to marry the French king's daughter 
Isabella, he appointed Gaveston regent in his place. This was a responsibility that 
would normally be given to a close family member of the reigning king.[29] There is no 
sign that Gaveston exploited the regency for personal gains, but the other nobles were 
still offended by his arrogant behaviour.[30] This behaviour continued at the 
coronation feast after the King's return, during which the King largely ignored his new 
wife in favour of Gaveston.[31] The collective grievances first found expression in the 
so-called 'Boulogne agreement' of January 1308, in which the earls of Warenne, 
Hereford, Lincoln and Pembroke expressed concern about oppression of the people 
and attacks on the honour of the crown. Though not mentioned by name, Gaveston 
was the implied target of this document.[32] Later that year, in the April parliament, 
the so-called Declaration of 1308 demanded the renewed exile of Gaveston, again 
without explicitly mentioning the favourite by name.[33] The King initially resisted, but 
had to give in to the demand once it became clear that the barons had the support of 
King Philip IV of France, who was offended by Edward's treatment of his daughter.[34] 
On 18 May, Edward consented to sending Gaveston into exile.[35]

Ireland and return[edit]
Gaveston was not exiled immediately; he did not have to leave the realm until 25 
June, but faced excommunication by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Robert 
Winchelsey, should he return.[36] Edward used the intervening period to provide for 
his favourite's continued prosperity and political importance. As a compensation for 
the loss of the earldom of Cornwall, which was another condition of the exile, 
Gaveston was granted land worth 3,000 marks annually in Gascony, and land 
amounting to the same value in England.[37] Further to this, he was appointed the 
King's Lieutenant of Ireland, so that a certain amount of honour could be maintained 
despite the humiliation of the exile.[38] The appointment came the day after Richard 
de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, had been given the same position, indicating that it was an 
improvised measure.[39] Gaveston's appointment came with wider authority than 
Ulster's, however, for he had full regal powers to appoint and dismiss any royal 
officers.[40]

Gaveston's lieutenancy was primarily of a military nature; by the early 14th century, 
Ireland had become a rebellious and unruly dominion for the English crown. In this 
capacity Gaveston had considerable success, killing or defeating several major 
insurgents. He fortified the town of Newcastle McKynegan and Castle Kevin, and 
rebuilt the road from Castle Kevin to Glendalough. This helped pacify the county at 
least as far as the Wicklow Mountains, west of Dublin.[41] In the field of 
administration he made less of a mark. The most notable issue with which he was 
involved concerned a dispute over murage – a toll on the town walls – between the 
citizens of Dublin.[42] As during the regency, though, there is no evidence that 
Gaveston exploited his position for his own advantage and he did nothing to alienate 
the local elite.[43]

Edward II began working towards a recall before Gaveston had even left.[44] Through 
distribution of patronage and concessions to political demands, he won over several 
of the earls who had previously been of a hostile disposition.[45] Lincoln, who was the 
leader of the baronial opposition due to his age and great wealth, was reconciled with 
Edward by late summer 1308. Even Warwick, who had been the most unyielding of the 
King's enemies, was gradually mollified.[46] Significantly, though, Thomas, Earl of 
Lancaster, who had not been involved in the campaign to exile Gaveston, seems to 
have become disaffected at this time.[47] Nevertheless, by 25 April 1309, Pope 
Clement V was satisfied that the difficulties between the King and his magnates had 
been settled, and agreed to lift the interdict against Gaveston.[48] At the parliament 
that met at Stamford in July, Edward had to agree to a series of political concessions. 
The so-called Statute of Stamford was based on a similar document Edward I had 
consented to in 1300, called the articuli super carta, which was in turn based on 
Magna Carta.[49] Before the Stamford Parliament, however, on 27 June, Gaveston 
had returned to England.[50]

Ordinances and final exile[edit]

On 5 August 1309, Gaveston was reinstated with the earldom of Cornwall.[51] It did 
not take long, however, for him to alienate the earls once more. The chronicles tell of 
how Gaveston gave mocking nicknames to other earls, calling Lincoln 'burst-belly', 
Pembroke 'Joseph the Jew', Lancaster 'the fiddler' and Warwick 'the black dog of 
Arden' (from the forest of Arden in Warwickshire).[52] Gaveston also began to exploit 
his relationship with the King more ostentatiously, obtaining favours and appointments 
for his friends and servants.[53] The political climate became so hateful that in 
February 1310, a number of the earls refused to attend parliament as long as 
Gaveston was present.[54] Gaveston was dismissed, and, when parliament convened, 
the disaffected barons presented a list of grievances they wanted addressed. On 16 
March, the King was forced to appoint a group of men to ordain reforms of the royal 
household.[55] This group of so-called Lords Ordainers consisted of eight earls, seven 
bishops and six barons.[56] Among the earls were supporters of the King, like 
Gloucester and John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond, as well as strong opponents, like 
Lancaster and Warwick.[57]

While the Ordainers were at work drafting their reform document, Edward decided to 
address one of the main causes behind the discontent: the Scottish situation.[56] 
Edward II had, almost immediately after his accession, abandoned the relentless 
Scottish campaigns of his father.[58] As a result, Robert the Bruce had been able to 
regain the initiative in the war, reconquer lost territory, and stage destructive raids 
into the north of England. To aggravate matters, Edward had continued to raise 
extortionate taxes, ostensibly for the war in Scotland, but without showing any result.
[59] If the King could produce victory against the Scots, this would go a long way 
towards undermining the work of the Ordainers.[60] In June, the King summoned the 
magnates for a military campaign, but most of the Ordainers refused on the basis of 
the work they were performing.[61] When the King departed for Scotland in 
September, only Gloucester, Warenne and Gaveston among the earls accompanied 
him.[62] The campaign proved frustrating for Edward, when Bruce refused to engage 
in open battle, or even get involved in negotiations. In February, Gaveston was sent 
with an army north from Roxburgh to Perth, but he failed to track down the Scottish 
army.[63]

While the royal army was in the north, Edward received news from London that the 
Earl of Lincoln had died on 6 February 1311.[64] This meant that a moderating 
influence on the baronial party had been lost, at the same time as the antagonistic 
Earl of Lancaster – who was Lincoln's son-in-law and heir – emerged as the leader of 
the Ordainers.[65] With the Ordainers ready to present their programme of reform, 
Edward had to summon a parliament. In late July he appointed Gaveston Lieutenant of 
Scotland, and departed for London.[66] Bruce still evaded the English successfully, in 
early August even staging a raid into northern England, and shortly after this Gaveston 
withdrew to Bamburgh Castle in Northumberland.[67] When parliament met on 16 
August, the King was presented with a set of proposed reforms of the royal household, 
as well as specific attacks on individuals, including a demand for the renewed exile of 
Piers Gaveston.[68] Edward initially offered to agree to the reforms as long as 
Gaveston was allowed to stay, but the Ordainers refused. The King held out for as 
long as he could, but eventually had to agree to the Ordinances, which were 
published on 27 September.[69] On 3 November, two days after the allotted deadline, 
Gaveston left England for the last time.[70]

Return and death[edit]
It is not quite clear where Gaveston spent his time abroad; the conditions of his exile 
banned him from staying in any of the lands of the English king. This precluded both 
Aquitaine and Ireland, where he had spent his previous exiles.[70] There is some 
evidence that he might have gone to France initially, but considering the French 
king's hostile attitude towards him, he is not likely to have stayed there long. Flanders 
is a much more likely candidate for Gaveston's third and final exile.[71] This time his 
absence was even shorter than the second time, lasting no more than two months. 
Returning around Christmas 1311, he was reunited with the King early in 1312, 
probably at Knaresborough on 13 January.[22] The reason for his quick return might 
have been the birth of his child, a daughter named Joan, around this time. On 18 
January, Edward declared the judgement against Gaveston unlawful, and restored all 
lands to him.[72]

The royal and baronial parties now both began preparations for war. In March, 
Gaveston settled at Scarborough, and began to fortify the castle.[73] Around the same 
time, he was pronounced excommunicate by Archbishop Winchelsey at St Paul's. At 
the same meeting the barons – under the leadership of Lancaster – divided up the 
realm to oppose the King. Pembroke and Warenne were given the responsibility of 
capturing Gaveston.[74] On 4 May, the King and Gaveston were at Newcastle, and 
barely escaped a force led by Lancaster, Henry Percy and Robert Clifford.[75] 
Gaveston then returned to Scarborough, while the King left for York. Scarborough was 
soon besieged by Pembroke, Warenne, Percy and Clifford, and on 19 May Gaveston 
surrendered to the besiegers.[76] The terms of the surrender were that Pembroke, 
Warenne and Percy would take Gaveston to York, where the barons would negotiate 
with the king. If an agreement could not be reached by 1 August, Gaveston would be 
allowed to return to Scarborough. The three swore an oath to guarantee his safety.
[77] After an initial meeting with the King in York, Gaveston was left in the custody of 
Pembroke, who escorted him south for safekeeping.[78]

On 9 June, Pembroke left Gaveston at the rectory at Deddington in Oxfordshire, while 
he himself left to visit his wife.[79] When Warwick found out about Gaveston's 
whereabouts, he immediately rode out to capture him. The next morning he appeared 
at the rectory, where he took Gaveston captive and brought him back to his castle at 
Warwick.[80] Pembroke, whose honour had been affronted, appealed for justice both 
to Gaveston's brother-in-law Gloucester and to the University of Oxford, but to no 
avail.[81][82] At Warwick, Gaveston was condemned to death for violating the terms 
of the Ordinances, before an assembly of barons, including Warwick, Lancaster, 
Hereford and Arundel.[83] On 19 June, he was taken out on the road towards 
Kenilworth as far as Blacklow Hill, which was on the Earl of Lancaster's land. Here, 
two Welshmen ran him through with a sword and beheaded him.[84]

Aftermath[edit]
Gaveston's body was simply left behind at the site of his execution. One chronicle tells 
of how four shoemakers brought it to Warwick, who refused to accept it, and ordered 
them to take it back outside his jurisdiction. Eventually, a group of Dominican friars 
brought it to Oxford.[84] A proper burial could not be arranged while Gaveston was 
still excommunicate, and it was not until 2 January 1315, after the King had secured a 
papal absolution for his favourite, that he could have his body buried in an elaborate 
ceremony at the Dominican foundation of King's Langley Priory; the tomb is now lost.
[22] In 1823, a cross with inscription was erected at Blacklow Hill by local squire, 
Bertie Greathead, at the place believed to be the location of Gaveston's execution.
[86]

Edward also provided a generous endowment for Gaveston's widow Margaret, who in 
1317 married Hugh de Audley, later Earl of Gloucester.[87] The King tried to find a 
suitable marriage for Piers' and Margaret's daughter Joan, but these arrangements 
came to nothing when Joan died in 1325, at the age of thirteen.[88] There is also 
some evidence that Gaveston might have fathered another, extra-marital daughter; 
one contemporary document refers to an "Amie filie Petri de Gaveston". This Amie was 
a chamberlain of Edward III's wife, Queen Philippa, and later married John Driby, a 
yeoman of the royal family.[89]

Edward's initial reaction to the news of Gaveston's execution was rage; according to 
the Vita Edwardi he swore to avenge the act.[22] Circumstances, however, prevented 
him from taking immediate action against the executioners.[90] During the previous 
raid on Newcastle, the King and Gaveston had to flee quickly, leaving behind horses 
and jewels worth a great amount of money.[91] At the same time, the barons' 
extralegal action had alienated many of their former associates; the Earl of Pembroke 
in particular became strongly tied to the King's cause after the affront to his honour.
[92] Through the arbitration of the Earl of Gloucester and others, a settlement was 
finally reached on 14 October 1313, whereby the barons were given a pardon and the 
horses and jewels were returned to the King.[93] The following years were marked by 
a constant power struggle between Edward and Lancaster, centred on the 
maintenance of the Ordinances. The matter was not finally settled until 1322, when 
Lancaster was defeated at the Battle of Boroughbridge, and executed.[94]

Questions of sexuality[edit]

It was hinted at by medieval chroniclers, and has been alleged by modern historians, 
that the relationship between Gaveston and Edward was homosexual. The Annales 
Paulini claims that Edward loved Gaveston "beyond measure", while the Lanercost 
says the intimacy between them was "undue".[95] The Chronicle of Melsa states that 
Edward "particularly delighted in the vice of sodomy", without making special 
reference to Gaveston.[96] The portrayal of Gaveston as homosexual continued in 
fictional portrayals, such as Christopher Marlowe's play Edward II from the early 
1590s, and the 1924 adaptation of that work by Bertolt Brecht and Lion 
Feuchtwanger.[97]

Modern historians have been divided on the issue. T. F. Tout, writing in 1914, 
rejected the idea.[98] J. S. Hamilton, who wrote a biography of Gaveston in 1988, on 
the other hand says that "there is no question that the king and his favourite were 
lovers."[96] Pierre Chaplais, writing a few years later, had more reservations. Chaplais 
cites the fact that Edward had four children with his wife – and even an extra-marital 
son – as well as the relative silence of contemporary commentators on the topic.[99] 
He also finds it hard to believe that Philip IV of France would have allowed the 
English king to marry his daughter Isabella if Edward was known to be homosexual.
[100] Mark Ormrod has pointed out the inherent anachronism of speaking of 
homosexuality in a medieval context. Instead Ormrod suggests the focus should be on 
the motivation behind the use of sexuality in contemporary attacks on the King and 
Gaveston.[101]

If the King and Gaveston were indeed lovers, the question remains of what effect this 
had on their respective careers and eventual downfalls. John Boswell, in his 
Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality, calls Gaveston Edward's lover, and 
writes that there is little doubt "that [Edward's] wife and the barons of England were 
violently hostile to Edward's sexual proclivities, although he more than fulfilled his 
royal duties by fathering four children with Isabella."[102] Boswell argues that Edward 
and Gaveston fell victim to a new-found concern about sexual morals among the 
secular powers of Europe, manifested shortly before in the trial of the Knights Templar 
in 1307.[103] This interpretation is disputed by Hamilton. "The favourite was murdered 
because of his control of patronage," writes Hamilton, "not because of his access to 
the king's bedchamber".[104] This same view is also expressed by Roy Martin Haines, 
in his 2003 biography of the King.[105]

Historical assessment[edit]
Contemporary and near-contemporary chroniclers were generally negative in their 
attitudes towards Gaveston, blaming the royal favourite for many of the problems of 
the reign. Gaveston was accused of such various crimes as draining the treasury, 
orchestrating the arrest of treasurer Walter Langton, and filling the court with 
foreigners.[97] According to the Lanercost Chronicle, "There was not anyone who had 
a good word to say about the king or Piers."[106] Nevertheless, the chroniclers did 
not deny that he had certain good qualities. Irish chroniclers were appreciative both of 
his military and his administrative skills during his period in Ireland. Likewise, Geoffrey 
the Baker called him "graceful and agile in body, sharp witted, refined in manner, 
[and] sufficiently well versed in military matters."[97] Marlowe, however, focused 
exclusively on the negative aspects of Gaveston's biography, portraying him – 
according to Hamilton – as "a sycophantic homosexual with a marked tendency 
towards avarice, nepotism, and especially overweening pride."[97] This was the 
impression that lived on in the popular imagination.

The first modern historians to deal with the reign of Edward II – William Stubbs, 
Thomas Frederick Tout and James Conway Davies – added little to the understanding 
of Gaveston. While generally agreeing with the chronicles, they allotted him no 
importance within their own main field of interest, that of constitutional history.[107] 
For later generations of historians, the focus shifted from constitutional to personal 
issues. From the 1970s onwards, the topic of study became the personal relations 
between magnates and the crown, and the distribution of patronage. It is to this 
school of thought that Hamilton's biography belongs, in which he argues that it was 
Gaveston's exclusive access to royal patronage that was the driving force behind the 
baronial animosity towards him.[108] Chaplais, on the other hand, takes a different 
approach to the study of Gaveston and his place in the reign of Edward II. According 
to Chaplais, Edward was more or less indifferent to the practice of kingship, and 
essentially delegated the job to Gaveston.[109] As an alternative to a homosexual 
relationship, Chaplais suggests that the bond that existed between the King and 
Gaveston was that of an adoptive brotherhood.[110] This concept had a Biblical 
precedent in the traditionalist, platonic interpretation of the relationship between 
David and Jonathan, and also existed in the Middle Ages, as exemplified in The Song 
of Roland, the story of Roland and Olivier.[111]

In modern popular culture, Gaveston has been portrayed in a variety of ways. In Derek 
Jarman's 1991 film, based on Marlowe's play, Edward and Gaveston are presented as 
victims of homophobia and prejudice.[112] In the 1995 movie Braveheart, on the other 
hand, Gaveston (thinly disguised as the character 'Phillip') is again caricatured as 
arrogant and effeminate.[113] There is also an Oxford University dining and drinking 
club called the Piers Gaveston Society.[114]

Parents
DE GAVESTON Ernaud (1250 - )
DE LOUVIGNY Clarmunda (ABT 1255 - BEF 4 Feb 1287)

Siblings
DE GAVESTON Piers (ABT 1284 - 19 Jun 1312)

Marriage To DE CLARE Margaret (12 Oct 1293 - 9 Apr 1342)
    m. 7 Nov 1307 

Notes

Parents
DE CLARE Gilbert "the Red Earl" (2 Sep 1243 - 7 Dec 1295)
____ Joan of Acre (Apr 1272 - 23 Apr 1307)

Children by DE CLARE Margaret 12 Oct 1293 - 9 Apr 1342
DE GAVESTON Amy (6 Jan 1312 - AFT 1340)

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